Christian Science Monitor
Oakland, Calif. - As we wait to see how the politicians in Washington will
alter the stimulus package the Obama administration is pushing, many questions are being raised about the measure's
contents and efficacy. Should it include money for the National Endowment for the Arts, Amtrak, and child care?
Is it big enough to get the economy moving again? Does it spend money fast enough? Hardly anyone, however, is
asking the most important question: Should the federal government be doing any of this?
In raising this question, one risks immediate dismissal as someone
hopelessly out of touch with the modern realities of economics and government. Yet the United States managed
to navigate the first century and a half of its past – a time of phenomenal growth – without any substantial
federal intervention to moderate economic booms and busts. Indeed, when the government did intervene actively,
under Herbert Hoover and Franklin D. Roosevelt, the result was the Great Depression.
Until the 1930s, the Constitution served as a major constraint on
federal economic interventionism. The government's powers were understood to be just as the framers intended:
few and explicitly enumerated in our founding document and its amendments. Search the Constitution as long as
you like, and you will find no specific authority conveyed for the government to spend money on global-warming
research, urban mass transit, food stamps, unemployment insurance, Medicaid, or countless other items in the
stimulus package and, even without it, in the regular federal budget.
This Constitutional constraint still operated as late as the 1930s,
when federal courts issued some 1,600 injunctions to restrain officials from carrying out acts of Congress, and
the Supreme Court overturned the New Deal's centerpieces, the National Industrial Recovery Act and the
Agricultural Adjustment Act, and other statutes. This judicial action outraged President Roosevelt, who
fumed that "we have been relegated to the horse-and-buggy definition of interstate commerce." Early in
1937, he responded with his court-packing plan.
Although Roosevelt lost this battle, he soon won the war. As the older,
more conservative justices retired, the president replaced them with ardent New Dealers such as Hugo Black,
Stanley Reed, Felix Frankfurter, and William O. Douglas. The newly constituted court proceeded between 1937
and 1941 to overturn its anti-New Deal rulings, abandoning its traditional, narrow view of interstate commerce
and giving the federal government carte blanche to spend, tax, and regulate virtually without limit.
After World War II, the government enacted the Employment Act of 1946,
codifying the government's declared responsibility for managing the economy "to promote maximum employment,
production, and purchasing power," and it has actively intervened ever since, purportedly to attain these
declared ends. Its shots have often misfired, however, and we have endured booms and busts, a decade of
stagflation, bouts of rapid inflation, and stock-market crashes. The present recession may become the worst
since the passage of the Employment Act.
Federal intervention rests on the presumption that officials know how
to manage the economy and will use this knowledge effectively. This presumption always had a shaky foundation,
and we have recently witnessed even more compelling evidence that the government simply does not know what it's
doing. The big bailout bill enacted last October; the Federal Reserve's massive, frantic lending for many
different purposes; and now the huge stimulus package all look like wild flailing – doing something mainly
for the sake of being seen to be doing something – and, of course, enriching politically connected interests
in the process.
Our greatest need at present is for the government to go in the opposite
direction, to do much less, rather than much more. As recently as the major recession of 1920-21, the government
took a hands-off position, and the downturn, though sharp, quickly reversed itself into full recovery. In
contrast, Hoover responded to the downturn of 1929 by raising tariffs, propping up wage rates, bailing out
farmers, banks, and other businesses, and financing state relief efforts. Roosevelt moved even more
vigorously in the same activist direction, and the outcome was a protracted period of depression (and wartime
privation) from which complete recovery did not come until 1946.
The US government has shown repeatedly that as an economic manager it
is not to be trusted. What we need most are authorities wise enough to follow the dictum, "First, do no harm."
The stimulus package will do enormous harm. The huge debt burden it entails, by itself, ought to condemn the
measure. America is already drowning in debt. But the measure will also wreak harm in countless other
directions by effectively reallocating resources on a grand scale according to political priorities, rather
than according to individual preferences and economic rationality. As our history shows, the economy can
recover strongly on its own, if only the politicians will stay out of the way.